Japanese-American Internment in 1942: Presidential Executive Order 9066 Uproots Americans of Asian Descent

In February 1942, President Franklin D. Roosevelt signed Executive Order 9066, giving the U.S. army the authority to impose curfews on persons deemed a potential internal security threat. On the west coast, the curfew orders were followed by the mandatory evacuation of all Japanese-Americans to relocation centers. Ultimately, sixteen camps operated by the War Relocation Authority housed over 100,000 Japanese-Americans, most of whom were United States citizens.

Throughout the 19th century, Americans viewed immigrants with deep misgivings. Immigrant groups, notably the Italians, tended to avoid assimilation by creating their own ethnic neighborhoods in the emerging urban centers. On the west coast, it was the Chinese and later the Japanese immigrants that gave rise to racist stereotypes, prompting persecution and legislative acts to curb their liberties. In the year FDR was born – 1882 – the U.S. Congress passed one of the first Chinese Exclusion Acts.

By the end of World War One, Japan emerged as the one Pacific power able to compete and possibly threaten the interests of the United States. Several successful regional wars, including the 1905 Russo-Japanese War, had established Japan as a rising imperialist power. Within Japan, liberal political trends gave way to more conservative views supported by on-going militarism.

The early 20th century witnessed a plethora of books and articles warning of the Japanese “menace” and even predicting war between Japan and the United States. Americans, on top of their post-war nativist leanings, seemed predisposed to view Japanese expansionism with mistrust. This became even more acute after Japan’s occupation of Manchuria and her refusal to abide by and renegotiate naval treaties designed to limit the production of capital warships.

American Isolationism and Inability to Defend Asian Interests

After the First World War, Americans refused to become actively involved in the gathering storms of war in both Asia and Europe. Isolationism was the favored policy, particularly after the onset of the Great Depression; domestic considerations superseded foreign entanglements.

Congressional and military leaders knew that an adequate defense of American colonial properties, like the Philippines and Samoa, was not possible. Thus, relations with an ever more belligerent Japan were based on diplomatic efforts and concerted responses designed not to antagonize a potential enemy.

In the months before Pearl Harbor, however, President Roosevelt had taken a harder line, freezing Japanese assets, embargoing oil and scrap metal. By December 7, 1941, Japan and the United States were at war. Within three months, Japanese-Americans were confined to what Roosevelt himself called “concentration camps” during a November 22, 1944 White House press conference.

Court Challenges

Hirabayashi v U.S. (1943) challenged the curfew order but attempted to obtain a ruling on the internments. The Supreme Court, however, confined its ruling to the constitutionality of the curfew order. The court ruled that race was an irrelevant issue and FDR’s Executive Order was covered under Presidential war powers.

In Korematsu v U.S. (1944) the court held that the exclusion program was a “military necessity.” Justice Roberts used the term “concentration camp” in his opinion while Justice Frank Murphy stated that the action was the “brink” of constitutional power.

Japanese Loyalty

There was no evidence of disloyalty to the U.S. by the Japanese-Americans. Seditious Japanese – as well as Germans and Italians, were already known to the FBI. Questionable Germans were permitted to defend themselves and prove their loyalties, although several thousand were also incarcerated like the Japanese-Americans. The 112,000 Japanese-Americans, however, never had an opportunity to defend themselves; their property was confiscated and apologies and restitution only came in the 1980s under the presidency of Ronald Reagan.

Aug 6, 2009 6:05 AM

Guest :

It is well-documented that the evacuation was motivated, not by racism, but by information obtained by the U.S. from pre-war decoded Japanese diplomatic messages "MAGIC" and other intelligence revealed the existence of espionage and the potential for sabotage involving then-unidentified resident Japanese aliens and Japanese-Americans living within the West Coast Japanese community.

The U.S. Congress immediately passed legislation providing enforcement provisions for FDR's Executive Order, unanimously in both the House and Senate, provided under Article 1, Section 9 of the United States Constitution.

Only persons of Japanese ancestry (alien and citizen) residing in the West Coast military zones were affected by the evacuation order. Those living elsewhere were not affected at all.

It is not true that Japanese-Americans were "interned. Only Japanese nationals (enemy aliens) arrested and given individual hearings were interned. Such persons were held for deportation in Department of Justice camps. Those evacuated were not interned. They were first given an opportunity to voluntarily move to areas outside the military zones. Those unable or unwilling to do so were sent to Relocation Centers operated by the War Relocation Authority.

At the time, the JACL (Japanese American Citizens League) officially supported the government's evacuation order and urged all enemy alien Japanese and Japanese Americans to cooperate and assist the government in their own self interest.

It is misleading and in error to state that those affected by the evacuation orders were all "Japanese-Americans." Approximately two-thirds of the ADULTS among those evacuated were Japanese nationals--enemy aliens. The vast majority of evacuated Japanese-Americans (U.S. citizens) were children at the time. Their average age was only 15 years. In addition, over 90% of Japanese-Americans over age 17 were also citizens of Japan (dual citizens)under Japanese law. Thousands had been educated in Japan. Some having returned to the U.S. holding reserve rank in the Japanese armed forces.

During the war, more than 33,000 evacuees voluntarily left the relocation centers to accept outside employment. An additional 4300 left to attend colleges.

In a questionaire, over 26% of Japanese-Americans of military age at the time said they would refuse to swear an unqualified oath of allegiance to the United States.

According to War Relocation Authority records, 13,000 applications renouncing their U.S. citizenship and requesting expatriation to Japan were filed by or on behalf of Japanese-Americans during World War II. Over 5,000 had been processed by the end of the war.

After loyalty screening, eighteen thousand Japanese nationals and Japanese-Americans were segregated at a special center for disloyals at Tule Lake California where regular military "Banzai" drills in support of Emperor Hirohito were held.

The Supreme Court of the United States upheld the Consitutionality of the evacuation/relocation in Korematsu v. U.S., 1944 term. In summing up for the 6-3 majority, Justice Black wrote:
"There was evidence of disloyalty on the part of some, the military authorities considered that the need for action was great, and time was short. We cannot --by availing ourselves of the calm perspective of hindsight -- now say that at the time these actions were unjustified." That decision has never been reversed and stands to this day.

It should be noted that the relocation centers had many amenities. Accredited schools, their own newspapers, stores, churches, hospitals, all sorts of sports and recreational facilities. They also had the highest percapita wartime birth rates for any U.S.community.

More history for you to consider regarding the Commission on Wartime Relocation and Internment of Civilians:

Consider that of the nine commission members, six were biased in favor of reparations. Ishmail Gromoff and William Marutani, relocatees themselves, sat in judgment of their own cases. Arthur Goldberg and Joan Bernstein made sympathetic, pro-reparation statements publicly before hearings even began. Arthur Fleming had worked closely with the JACL (he was a keynote speaker at its Portland convention in the '70s). Robert Drinan was a co-sponsor of the bill establishing the commission.

Consider that notices of when and where hearings were to be held were not made known to the general, non-Japanese public.

Consider that witnesses who gave testimony were not sworn to tell the truth.

Consider that witnesses who were pro-reparation were carefully coached in their testimony in "mock hearings" beforehand.

Consider that witnesses against reparation were harassed and drowned out by foot-stomping Japanese claques, that the commission members themselves ridiculed and badgered these same witnesses.

Consider that not one historian was asked to testify before the commission, that intelligence reports and position papers contrary to reparations were deliberately ignored.

Consider that as a result of the above, the United States Department of Justice objected strongly to the findings of the commission.

Lastly while we've all been educated on the doctrines associated with the rise of Nazism, I would be curious to know if courses are provided teaching the history of the doctrines of Japanese militarism, a belief system similar and equally as insidious as Nazism?

Any clasess on the kokutai? Hakko Ichiu? Any reading of Kokutai no Hongi? Shimin to Michi? The role of Nichiren Buddhism and Japanese "Language Schools" in teaching these doctines of Japanese racial superiorty to ethnic Japanese colonies throughout the word prior to Pearl Harbor?

Those of you learning this history at your public schools and universities should understand you are being taught an extemely biased and partial version of what really happened and why. I would urge you to go beyond the politically correct version of this history as propagated by the Japanese-American reparations movement.